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In recent years, voluntary associations and political organizations have increasingly switched to Internet-based mobilization campaigns, replacing traditional forms of face-to-face recruitment and mobilization. The existing body o...
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In recent years, voluntary associations and political organizations have increasingly switched to Internet-based mobilization campaigns, replacing traditional forms of face-to-face recruitment and mobilization. The existing body of empirical research on Internet-based mobilization, however, is not conclusive about the effects this form of mobilization might have. In this article, the authors argue that this lack of strong conclusions might be due to the failure to distinguish different behavioral outcomes of mobilization, and more specifically, a distinction between online and off-line forms of participation is missing. In this experimental study, participants were exposed to potentially mobilizing information either by way of face-to-face interaction or by website. The results of the experiment indicate that web-based mobilization only has a significant effect on online participation, whereas face-to-face mobilization has a significant impact on off-line behavior, which would imply that mobilization effects are medium-specific. The authors close with some observations on what these findings might imply for the democratic consequences of the current trend toward an increasing reliance on Internet-based forms of political mobilization.
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This paper explores how political participation and engagement via social media may affect political participation and engagement offline and via other online channels, drawing from the exchange concept in marketing theory. Social...
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This paper explores how political participation and engagement via social media may affect political participation and engagement offline and via other online channels, drawing from the exchange concept in marketing theory. Social media political participation and engagement is distinguished from other online activities, as the latter is restricted to users already involved in politics, as opposed to social media, which even allow users not involved in politics to be exposed to political messages. This study takes place within the context of Greece, characterised by the financial crisis. An exploratory quantitative methodology, employing a self-administered questionnaire (N=215 online users) was adopted. Results suggest that users who engage in politics, whether this is through social media or other online or offline activities, are more likely to participate politically in more than one form of political engagement. Social media usage intensity was positively associated with social media political participation, while favourable perceptions about politicians who use social media was associated with higher online participation activities among users. Gender was a significant factor for other online political engagement, while age was a significant factor for offline political engagement. Interestingly, the high perceived stress resulting from the financial crisis was not associated with any form of political engagement.
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The roles, support, and participation among women in politics were not promising, even though numbers of Asian countries developed rapidly in economics, social and politics since two decades ago. Malaysia is one of the catalyst an...
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The roles, support, and participation among women in politics were not promising, even though numbers of Asian countries developed rapidly in economics, social and politics since two decades ago. Malaysia is one of the catalyst and front-liner country in Southeast Asia, still markedwith low-participation in politics especially the young women. In identifying and exploring the elements that influencing and attract the political interest and participation among women, Political Support Model by Pippa Norris (1999) can be applied in achieving these objectives. This researchfocusing on young women age between 21–39 years old in northern Malaysia which are Penang (administer by opposition party, DAP) and Kedah (lead by ruling party, Barisan Nasional). A total number of 400 respondents will be selected based on ‘Rule of Thumb’ using stratifiedsampling with 200 respondents in Penang and 200 respondents in Kedah. The findings of this research will be analysed by using descriptive statistic and Pearson Correlation. All findings will assist political parties in Malaysia in understanding the factors that may attract, influence and winthe heart of women to participate in politics so that relevant and accurate strategies can be planned and implemented to get their support.
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An extensive theoretical and empirical literature already investigates the impact of income inequality on citizens' involvement in specific politically-oriented activities such as voting, membership of political groups, participat...
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An extensive theoretical and empirical literature already investigates the impact of income inequality on citizens' involvement in specific politically-oriented activities such as voting, membership of political groups, participation in political meetings, etc. In order to broaden still further the theoretical perspective on the connection between income inequality and citizens' political participation, this paper links the literature on inequality and political engagement with the one proposing
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Creativity plays an important role in politics in both online and offline spaces. Creative forms of political participation have long been tools of disenfranchised groups in their efforts to influence the government. Further, the ...
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Creativity plays an important role in politics in both online and offline spaces. Creative forms of political participation have long been tools of disenfranchised groups in their efforts to influence the government. Further, the rise of online creative participatory cultures has afforded new opportunities for civic and political involvement. Creative forms of participatory politics have the potential to facilitate exposure to ideas, foster dialogues, influence agendas and serve as ways to back talk authority. While many avenues for political involvement are creative, the role creativity may play in citizens’ political engagement is not well understood. This study examined the role of creative self-efficacy in political engagement and civic outcomes. Creative self-efficacy represents a belief in one’s ability to produce creative outcomes. A survey of participants living in Australia, South Korea, the Philippines and the USA (USA, Hawaii and Guam) ( N = 807) was conducted. Findings suggest that creative self-efficacy was positively associated with political efficacy and scepticism and not associated with apathy. Creative self-efficacy was indirectly associated with offline and online political participation through political efficacy. The implications of these findings are discussed in context of the role creative self-efficacy may play in impacting political outcomes.
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Using survey data of enterprises and entrepreneurs from Liuzhou, Guangxi, China, the determinants of political participation of private enterprises are studied. We find (1) entrepreneurs who are older or from larger older enterpri...
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Using survey data of enterprises and entrepreneurs from Liuzhou, Guangxi, China, the determinants of political participation of private enterprises are studied. We find (1) entrepreneurs who are older or from larger older enterprises have a higher probability of becoming members of the People's Congress and the Chinese People's Political Consultative Conference, while gender, education and household registration status do not significantly affect their political participation. (2) Entrepreneurs with membership in the Communist Party of China or other parties have a higher probability of entering politics. Compared with Communist Party members, those of other parties have a much higher probability of political participation. (3) Parental leadership identity increases entrepreneur probability of entering politics. Its effect is between that of Communist Party membership and other party membership. This paper provides evidence that Chinese entrepreneurs in private enterprises are translating their economic power, political identity, and household background into formal political power.
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The study aims to extend the existing knowledge about the dynamics of first-time participation in protest events. To tackle that puzzle we rely on extensive and innovative protest survey evidence covering 18 separate demonstration...
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The study aims to extend the existing knowledge about the dynamics of first-time participation in protest events. To tackle that puzzle we rely on extensive and innovative protest survey evidence covering 18 separate demonstrations in eight countries across nine different issues. On the individual level, age, motivation, and non-organizational mobilization appear to be consistent and robust predictors of first-timership. On the aggregate level, demonstrations staged just after or during a protest wave, large demonstrations, and demonstrations of old or new emotional movements are attended by a relatively larger share of first-timers. We conclude that it is thus the interplay of individual- and aggregate-level determinants that produces first-time participation.
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The aim of this volume has been to present examples of work on political participation drawn from what we have termed a critical perspective. Here, we shall not summarise these contributions, rather our aim is briefly, given space...
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The aim of this volume has been to present examples of work on political participation drawn from what we have termed a critical perspective. Here, we shall not summarise these contributions, rather our aim is briefly, given space constraints, to highlight some of the issues at stake in this literature and, given that, in our view, the changes in contemporary forms of political participation identified here represent significant challenges for democracy to suggest possible ways forward. We begin with a brief resume of the changing patterns of political participation, perhaps best summed up as decoupling of political authorities and citizens. Subsequently, we turn to the question of how they can be recoupled them.
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College students politically participate through traditional mechanisms at lower rates than their elders. Yet, members of this group may participate by other means, like friending candidates and joining political groups through so...
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College students politically participate through traditional mechanisms at lower rates than their elders. Yet, members of this group may participate by other means, like friending candidates and joining political groups through social networking websites. We argue that these online activities serve as a meaningful form of civic engagement by broadening who participates and encouraging other forms of participation. Using a survey of randomly chosen undergraduates at a large Midwestern university, we discover that important distinctions exist between those who friend or join these online social networks and those who participate in more traditional off-line political activities. While interest in politics is a precursor to off-line engagement, it does not predict friending or joining an online social network that is political in nature. However, friending candidates or joining such networks appears to mobilize college students to engage in other forms of political participation.
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This paper aims to study the effects of exposure to corruption on all the aspects of political participation. Focusing on Italian municipalities in the period 1999-2014, we generate a daily and local measure of exposure to corrupt...
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This paper aims to study the effects of exposure to corruption on all the aspects of political participation. Focusing on Italian municipalities in the period 1999-2014, we generate a daily and local measure of exposure to corruption, screening newspaper articles of the main Italian press agency. We concentrate on local elections and, in an event-study analysis, we find three main results. First, corruption exposure affects citizens' participation in election by reducing voter turnout. Second, corruption impacts on politicians' participation: the number of candidates and electoral lists decreases after a scandal and candidates with political tenure are more likely to run. Finally, these changes affect local political outcomes as tenured politicians are more likely to be elected, while freshmen lose ground. These results suggest that exposure to corruption has general and negative effects on political participation, leading people to lose interest in politics.
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